Le mythe du grand silence : Auschwitz, les Français, la mémoire (Divers Histoire) (French Edition)

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Hoe dichter je bij hem stond en hoe meer je verwikkeld raakte in zijn betoog, zijn medelijden, zijn lach, des te meer groeide het menselijke onbehagen, omdat iets de diepten van elk menselijk wezen besmet. Zoals Roux het woordelijk uitdrukte: in de iguur van Duch herkennen we al dan niet onze broeder in de schoot van de mensheid. Tot hun eigen verbazing en verontrusting stelden ze vast dat ze faalden, dat hun geweten maar moeilijk heelde.

Iets gelijksoortigs gebeurt met de slachtofers. Van de meer dan Er is dus geen enkele garantie dat je bij het bekijken van die gezichten onschuldigen aanschouwt. Die grijze zone, om de term op te pikken die Primo Levi in De verdronkenen en de geredden bezigde met betrekking tot de uitroeiing van de Joden, wordt in het geval van S nog ondoorzichtiger en onbeslister van aard. Niemand die hoop koestert voor of werkt aan nationale verzoe- ning kan die niemandszone of preciezer uitgedrukt: die zone van velen negeren. De slachtofers zijn verdwenen, er blij- ven wat nauwelijks herkenbare beenderen over; resten nog documenten die door de vasthoudendheid van sommigen tot bewijsmateriaal worden voor de aanklacht, een instrument van historisch begrip en een oefening in collectief geheugen.

De antropometrische beelden daarentegen tonen de fysieke trekken, de uitdrukking, het lichaam en de letsels van personen die in S werden gefolterd en vermoord. Ze bestuderen helpt bij het nadenken over hoe de Rode Khmers hun vijanden bekeken en dus ook opvatten. Daardoor krijgt de fotograische daad iets performatiefs: veeleer dan een vijand te beschrijven, schept ze die; veeleer dan een aanzet tot een iche van de gedetineerde te geven, betekent ze diens doodvonnis. De foto voert ons dus terug naar het ogenblik, maar daarachter tekent zich dreigend af wat nog te gebeuren staat.

De mug mers van wagons en van eenheden, dat wil zeggen de lichamen die erin worden shots van de Rode Khmer- vervoerd. De historicus ontcijfert nauwgezet de afstanden en projecteert ze op een fotografen zijn er te zien. Hilberg interpreteert niet alleen het document; hij vult er de leemten van in, doorprikt de bureaucratische ondoorgrondelijkheid en laat de stilten spreken.

Daar het authentiek is, ging het door de handen van een deportatieambtenaar en alleen zo kon die zijn taak volbrengen. Voor het met andere woorden een document werd over wat geschiedde het lijden was dit blad een bevel, een performatief geschrift: het bericht niet, maar veroorzaakt. Het vasthouden en aanraken terwijl je het ontcijfert, is je opstellen op de plaats van de beul, hem vergezellen in zijn mentale proces, hem zijn vernietigingswapen uit handen rukken, zij het dan ongetwijfeld te laat. Anderzijds zijn het daden die een persoon tot een schuldige maakten en hem in een uitzichtloze val duwden.

Le génocide des Tsiganes : une tardive reconnaissance

Er blijft nog iets van de sound and fury aan hangen van wie ze maakte, en van de angst van wie ze onderging, of die nu schuldig was of niet. Zoals al die objecten waarvan de oorlogsmusea uitpuilen, zijn het volgens sommigen fetisjen, volgens anderen dan weer pijnlijke materie die onder de huid kruipt. Wat we er ook mee doen, nooit zullen we erin slagen om de kreten te doen verstommen. Photographie et identiication , Parijs: Perrin, Hamers, Do nothing, sit still, and wait for my orders. The role of photography in the archive practices, historiography, and memory of Democratic Kampuchea , MA Thesis, Leiden Universiteit Semiotica e costruziones politica dei fatti, Bolonia: Il Mulino, , A lot of Holocaust survivors lamented this wrenching, persisting silence.

Even Jewish survivors chose to remain silent, the argument continues: [s]ilent about the fact that 75 percent of the roughly , Jews living in the Netherlands in did not survive. Silent about the mere ive thousand who returned from the camps. Silent about the assistance given to the Nazi killers by Dutch bureaucrats, policemen, and jurists. Silent about the silence, while the deportations went on, train after train after train. Buruma The assumption of an enduring postwar silence has recently been criticized by a number of scholars Azouvi ; Gelber ; Laqueur ; Stone But even if the notion of a general silence on the part of the victims and the public is liable for readjustment, what about the academic interest in the topic?

Was there also more scholarly activity in the late forties and ifties than has been assumed or acknowledged thus far? More than half a century after the war, the late Holocaust scholar Raul Hilberg remembered how in the early ifties, he was about the only historian studying the destruction of the European Jews Hilberg , Could their interpretation possibly be lawed? In addition, if there was any historical 1 E. Beer, Regine: KZA , interest in the topic, where did that interest go? To which geographical regions did Berchem, , p.

Which language English, German, Hebrew, French did scholars prefer? In which countries did historical research take of? Did one state present itself as a dominant Holocaust researching country? And if so, when and — more importantly — why did this happen? In this article, we try to give a quantiied, rather than a qualitative answer to these questions, using the bibliographies of major Holocaust studies. Since it is very hard to assess which Holocaust study is major and which one is not, and an injudicious selection of the working material could bias the results of our analysis, we adopted a dual-staged approach.

Based on these data, we were able to determine the second stage of our selection process which studies are most frequently referred to by their authors. The bibliographies of these selected Holocaust studies served as working material for our analysis. Unsurprisingly, more than one fifth Following at a large distance We will call this body of data the Selection Group SG. Yahil ; Gilbert More than 13 percent of all entries date from the period to entries, or An even smaller part is connected to the era relevant for the present analysis: titles, representing no more than 9.

This is remarkable, since our era of interest covers almost a quarter of the total postwar years 15 of the 63 years from to , the most recent entry in our SG-database , and since there is a bigger chance and possibility of being referred to when the books or articles were written many years ago.

Is it possible that, although the number of titles in the irst ifteen postwar years is very small, their intrinsic value is so great that they are often mentioned and referred to by subsequent scholars? Only a small portion of the entries from to is mentioned by more than one author. As a consequence, whereas the number of titles in this era represents 9. From to , the number of entries represent 12 percent of the total number, while the share of the entries in that era is The diference is less marked in the subsequent decade and a half, but even then we see an increase from The CG shows similar results see graphs Still, most of the entries in the Selection Group, as well as in the Control Group, are single-volume books In short, although the scholarly output in the decade and a half following the Second World War was relatively small, historians who started their research in the early sixties could already rely on a sound schol- arly basis, consisting of over ive hundred books, articles and published sources, written by as many diferent researchers.

Moreover, a rather considerable share of these books and articles deinitely stood the test of time — This puts the assumption that before almost nobody worked on the topic of the destruction of the Jews as Raul Hilberg claimed in quite a diferent perspective.

This is especially true when one considers the subject of the historical research. To be sure, not all entries in our database deal speciically with the Holocaust. There are references to Jewish cultural history, for example, to ecclesiastical policies, phi- losophy or inancial measures taken by the Nazi government. However, when a distinction is made between various-sized social subgroups, 43 diferent subgroups are mentioned in out of entries this is In addition, 15 entries refer to ghettos, 11 to concentration and extermination camps, and about 30 out of 91 biographical outlines are clearly Holocaust related.

As a consequence, our data do not conirm any claim, according to which references to the 15 postwar years are only marginally dealing with the Holocaust. On the contrary, the matter has been addressed by historians in an in-depth and substantial way. This is conirmed by the data in the Control Group.

Other aspects of Holocaust historiography should be addressed as well. In which countries did the interest in the Holocaust start, and what is the present center of scholarly attention for the Holocaust?

Starting in the nineties, there has been some mounting dismay about the so-called Americanization of the Holocaust, referring to the supposed US-eforts to monopolize historical research and remembrance of the Nazi-genocide Broder This also holds true for the most important languages in which Holocaust studies were published. During the irst postwar decade, English was incontestably the lingua franca of Holocaust research. Number of 18 Holocaust related studies following language of 16 publication Number of Holocaust related studies Total following language of 25 publication A turning point came in ; the ratio was inally overturned in , with German becoming the major language.

Overall, the number of English studies decreased after , while the amount of German pub- lications kept growing. The CG-data conirm these indings. Our database from the entire postwar period the SG and CG combined shows that entries Although the two languages were rivals of a more or less equal strength in the period to , German unquestionably took the lead from the late eighties until now. Did scholars in the immediate postwar decade notice this variety? Did they take all involved countries into account, or did they focus on speciic geographical regions, on capital cities in Europe, on infamous places of destruction?

In the Selection Group, out of entries Germany is mentioned most frequently 49 entries , followed by Israel 15 , the United States 11 , the Soviet Union and the United Kingdom 7. In most cases, the books and articles describe decision making processes as far as major actors in the international political ield are concerned and the handling of postwar phenomena e. In most cases, references to the state of Israel are short articles in newspapers, dealing with German-Israeli relations and the way Israel handles the history of the Shoah within its own borders.

It should be noted that resistance in ghettos and camps was hardly a topic of interest in the immediate postwar era. Only 3 entries deal speciically with Jewish resistance. The word is used more frequently in the forties and ifties The wording of the titles may be too rough an instrument to analyze shifting perceptions of victimhood. But as far as our data are concerned, we cannot conirm the claim that the image of the Jewish hero was replaced in the sixties and seventies by that of the Jewish victim because of the internal and foreign political agenda of the state of Israel Finkelstein , In our entire set of data titles, SG and CG combined , there are no entries referring to the Spanish empire in the Americas.

There are no references to the Great Famine, nor to the persecution of the kulaks. Guatemala and Bosnia-Herzegovina are not mentioned a single time. The 8 entries referring to Croatia deal only with the Second World War era, not with the civil war that devastated the country and left its peoples killed in the early nineties.

State violence in Israel and Serbia, focuses on the crimes perpetrated by the Serbian regime in the nineties. After its decisive victory in the war, Sand argues, when the West started to perceive the state of Israel as an occupying aggressor rather than as a democratic oasis in a totalitarian desert, the Zionist government created the image of the Jewish victim, who had the right to defend itself against a hostile envi- ronment. From now on, any comparison with other genocides was prohibited.

Sand , 96, Yet, our data seem to suggest quite the opposite. In sum, only 30 entries 0. Moreover, not a single case is mentioned in the era that concerns us here Apart from 3 entries pre-dating the Second World War, there are no references to com- parative genocide research in the forties, ifties or sixties. It only indicates that this research was not integrated in the preparatory work of Holocaust scholars.

A cautious start was made in the seventies and eighties with 3 and 2 references respectively. Scholars paid considerably more attention to other non-Jewish victims of the National Socialist regime. By far the largest social segment is the group of the mentally and physically disabled 66 entries. The irst major increase in interest dates from the seventies 10 references and eighties 32 , while the focus on non-Jewish subgroups clearly peaks in the nineties 52 or Women, churches and children were not persecuted as such, but even here the data are telling: out of 26 postwar entries referring to women, 25 were written after , and not a single one appeared in print in the era There is only 1 reference dealing with children in the forties and the ifties, compared to 10 from and 20 in the eighties and nineties.

It may be that shortly after the war, individual Jews did not want to be regarded or treated as diferent from other victims of National Socialism. When studying contemporary newspapers and ego-documents, one could even conclude that the whole spectre — from wanting to be just like other victims, to wanting to be clearly distinct — can be discerned see Azouvi , But in any case, according to our database, these accounts did not make it to the bibliographies of subsequent scholars.

Out of titles referring speciically to Jews, 74 8. European Jews, London, Die Einsatzgruppe studies, Oxford, A genocide, Oxford, Berlin, Henryk M. Essays on launching the Final Solution, Cambridge, Hitler en de Joden, Amsterdam, A history of , London, Wannsee, 20 januari , Amsterdam, Ein israelischer Darmstadt, Standpunkt, Berlin, Nazi policy toward with supplementary sources to the tenth anniversary edition. German Jews , Urbana, Oxford Handbook of Holocaust studies, Oxford, , Marrus ed. Outline for an articles on the destruction of European Jews.

Part 1. Main, Sheinin, Trent University brutal dictatorship to nascent democracy where the latter restored judicial order in part by punishing perpetrators of violence.

Numéros en texte intégral

Transitional justice, though, can only be as efective as its capacity to right past wrongs legally, politically, phil- osophically, and morally. Over the past thirty-ive years, the Argentine case is mixed. Dozens of torturers and killers from the last dictatorship have been prosecuted.

At the same time, many have not been brought to justice. Pros- ecutions are ongoing. The number of those responsible for the killings likely to escape a judicial reckoning will be enormous, as a percentage of those responsible for dictatorship violence and in comparison to some other countries. Many Argentines lauded the accelerated pace of convictions of human rights abusers. Others decried the prosecutorial disinterest in killings carried out by the revolutionary left during the s.

How transitional, though, is transitional justice? Four legal cases underline that continual, not transitional justice has often been a hallmark of post-dictator- ship democratic rule since Successive democratic governments have found it politically expedient, practical, and legally defensible not only to avoid dismantling dictatorship-era law, but to apply and reinforce it in a range of settings.

The military govern- ment accused him of extortion, kidnapping, and weapons possession. As a matter of law, whether or not he had been a Montonero, the military case against Grossman had been built on an evidentiary house of cards. In one of many examples of the septic evidence base, court documents showed that while Argentine authorities had kidnapped Grossman on 6 July , one of the crimes for which he was incarcerated had been committed on 8 July, two days after his abduction.

In drafting and executing its extradition strategy in California court, as in the case of Grossman, Argentine authorities opted not to challenge a range of military era decrees and legal positions that had won condemnations from Amnesty Inter- national and other rights groups. As in the Grossman case, by leaving much of dictatorship law intact and invoking it in multiple cases, the post-dictatorship democratic government airmed that body of law with lasting consequences for Argentina. In , before a US federal court, Argentina conirmed the justice of pre-dictatorship decrees that transferred authority to the military of police measures ostensibly needed to destroy guerrilla operations.

The Argentine extradition legal team conceded the militarization of civil society in the crea- tion of four military zones. Military authorities, according to Argentine government lawyers in , had had the legal right under dictatorship to detain those under suspicion without charge. Why would a democratic government make the case for the authority of the dictatorship to militarize Argentine society, in forms anathema to the international human rights community?

He had been responsible for the approval of a plan to eliminate leftist terrorism. They kidnapped then tortured him for a week. The story ends more than thirty years later when the Argentine govern- ment settled a Siderman family claim in US federal court stemming from the illicit kidnapping, the torture, and the coniscation of his property. On closer examination, though, the case is not one of transitional but of continual justice.

Rather than break with dictatorship legal norms and precedents, to avoid having to pay the Siderman family, democratic governments in Argentina in the s and s adopted the fraudulent positions of the military government toward Siderman. Moreover, through the mids, to sidestep that even had he been a terrorist he should not have been subject to illicit detention and torture, democratic governments relied on a legal case fabricated against Siderman by the military regime in the late s to try to block any payout to the Siderman family in US federal court.

The division of the country into four military zones with new policing and security powers in civil society underlines the continuities between pre-dictatorship and post-dictatorship Argentina. His illicit detention in was not his irst. In , the Montonero guerrilla group had kidnapped Siderman and had held him for three weeks until a substantial ransom had been paid. Though blindfolded, during his kidnapping Siderman heard his masked captors issuing and responding to military orders. In addition, that night military operatives captured some other tucumanos for the purpose of extortion and theft.

Il ne s'agit pas de nous faire plus importants que ce que nous sommes. L'enfer gagnera sur terre?

On sait jamais. Lire la suite PS. La question n'est jamais: quel avenir pour nos enfants? La question de la terreur est toujours imminente. La question de tous les temps est toujours: Qu'est-ce qui est sur le point de revenir? J'en doute. Daniel Dienne. Quelques mots, histoire de me palinodier, surtout sur un tel sujet Requiescat in pace? Comment Ilan le pourrait-il?

Comment les morts et nous les vivants pourraient-ils reposer en paix? On l'appliquait au sens. Autre signification du terme dans l'idiolecte nazi. Au chiffre de la lettre, ils ripostent par le chiffrage du crime. Ils ne voulaient pas entendre les vocables "cadavres" ou "victimes". Ce n'est pas une mort naturelle. J'ai lu ce texte d'une traite. Son crime nous a fait mal. Mon rapprochement visait uniquement la puissance d'une parole tentatrice. Elisabeth : vous avez absolument tout compris, comme toujours.

Mehdi : si ce texte et d'autres, restons modestes ont eu le pouvoir de laver votre regard, tout, en effet, n'est pas perdu. Juan, en citer trois, c'est trop facile! Elisabeth, je crois que vous ne m'avez pas bien compris. Le principal moteur de la haine des juifs, ce n'est pas la "maladie de la langue" quelle ineptie!

Que Dieu ne leur appartient pas. Rm eh bien! Parlant d'inversion Pardon, je n'ai pas lu votre ouvrage, Juan. Gabriel : non. Mais pas le Christ. Naissance de la Parole. Avant , c'est le langage de Kurtz-Youssouf. Je suis d'accord avec vous sur un point, et j'ajouterai: "il faut que les juifs redeviennent juifs. Aussi je ne vous apprends rien. Tout vient de Dieu.

Dalhousie French Studies - Department of French - Dalhousie University

Aussi n'y a-t-il pas lieu de s'enorgueillir. C'est tout. Bon, pourquoi pas. Juan, j'ai lu. Je pense que c'est lui, pour tout un tas d'excellentes raisons, pas toutes avouables Serge : tout est dit en quelques mots, merci. Relisez-moi bien : je ne dis pas autre chose. D'accord sur le reste. La peur, oui. A l'une de vos interventions, cher Juan, je ne sais plus laquelle. Je crois, cependant, que vous vous trompez. Et pourtant, elle propose aux Hommes un universalisme.

Aux autres de la reconnaitre enfin Dans le champ des Hommes le peuple Juif sera toujours un trou ou une bosse. C'est avec cela qu'il faut en finir. C'est ce qu'attendent les Juifs. C'est ce qu'ils ont toujours attendu. Rien de plus. Rien de moins. Votre texte est grand, parce que c'est un texte de l'effroi, et du tremblement. Il a reconnu ce point L'acceptation, pas la reconnaissance. Totalement clair. Effectivement, la Torah, c'est le livre de Dieu; le talmud, le livre des "juifs".

Ce serait trahir mon sentiment. Chacun est libre de penser ce qu'il veut. D'autres l'ont tellement dit avant moi, tellement mieux. Ne me faites pas dire ce que vous voulez entendre, je vous prie. Les juifs d'avant le Talmud avaient la loi Orale. C'est un livre ouvert. Et les commentaires sont riches. Enfin cela dit, j'en reviens au texte de Juan Je ne vois pas ce que vient faire ce "vos". Ensuite, je ne vois pas ce que vous entendez par "acte irrationnel". Je reviens maintenant sur la haine contre les juifs. Nous sommes d'accord. Paul Geuthner Adam aurait pu se gouverner selon la parole Un non-sens.

La messe est dite. A force de reculades voici l'avenir: la France sera barbare. Attention, les commentaires y sont De la respecter. Laurent J. C'est effectivement horrible, si on prend cet aveu pour ce qu'il semble dire On entend sans cesse dans les media des idiots professionnels avouer qu'ils ne seraient rien sans Bref, ne sommes-nous pas les "anonymes", nous qui ne sommes pas des "people"?

Experience, Memory, Image

Catholique romain? Tu as lu Klemperer et sa formidable LTI? Samuel Gourio. De rien cher Juan Et je sais que tu entends bien les soubassements conceptuels ce que je veux dire Klemperer pour moi, c'est Otto Klemperer, le chef d'orchestre allemand. Tu me l'apprends! L'Eclat fait un bon travail en publiant tout cela, il faut le redire. PS 2 : ce qu'ecrit Laurent J. Elle est autre chose, et repose sur bien d'autres rapports. Denis Lair. Ce qu'il ne faut pas faire avec lui, en revanche, c'est jouer.

Similar authors to follow

Et Sollers joue beaucoup trop avec le langage, de sorte qu'il le moisit un plus, voici le sens de tous mes textes contre lui. Sollers dira que "vous ne savez pas danser". Pas le temps, sorry. Psychologie des profondeurs, ontologie des profondeurs. Pourquoi pas? Combat infini par essence, comme par existence, au demeurant. Excellent texte, Juan.

Salutations canadiennes. Quel strip-tease! Relisez-moi sur ce point. Et c'est ce professeur d'Ottawa qui les remplacerait? Vous n'y croyez pas un instant, n'est-ce pas? Moi non plus. C'est un texte odieux et terrible. De haine et de terreur. Dans ce texte, vous vous montrez aussi.